The Study of Religion and History

Discourse theory and the Various Translations of Organized Crime: Securitization, Power, and Intertextuality

2024-06-27T11:44:01+03:00

Discourse theory and the Various Translations of Organized Crime: Securitization, Power, and Intertextuality

Tabinda Anjum

Ms Scholar at International Islamic University Islamabad at-Tabinda123@gmail.com

Abstract

While there has been some recent talk about taking a contextualize approach to secularization theory, there hasn't been much work done to fully ope rationalize the complex interplay of language, authority, and setting inside securitizations. This essay presents and explains a framework for assessing secularizing behaviors with inter textual ties to popular culture, and it investigates the relationship within secularization processes. The major goal of this study is to add to the growing body of literature on discourse, intertextuality, and popular culture within the discipline of international relations studies as a whole. Furthermore, the paper hopes to provide a contextualize operationalization of secularization theory.

Keywords intertextuality, power, organized crime, and pop culture as secularization issues

Introduction

This research delves into the formative years of US security discourse on organized crime in order to create and illustrate the concept of a politics of intertextuality with reference to securitizations. According to Woodiwiss (2001: 362-89), it was through this early securitization that organized crime entered the global danger discourse and established itself as a global peril frame. A specific understanding of organized crime extended from the United States to many other local, national, regional, and global sites on the basis of (and in part because of) this early securitization in the United States. It was then shipped over the world, where it adapted to local conditions and ultimately established itself as the norm.This local act of giving organized crime in the United States a distinct meaning greatly influenced the emerging discourse and contributed to the global action of securitizing the phenomenon, thereby permanently stabilizing and fixing organized crime as a contingent collective interpretation in a particular name. 1.But this pivotal moment in the development of early US security rhetoric is just one step in a much longer temporal sequence. Images in the US discourse were borrowed from other discourses, just as they were in succeeding discourses (for example, Stritzel, 2011b).

Securitizing actions involving organized crime have fascinating synchronic and diachronic intertextuality in the form of links between academic, media, political, literary, and cinematic discourses, as well as links between current and historical representations over an extremely long evolutionary sequence. The intertextuality of organized crime is also strongly linked to other forms of social power relations. Even more so than in the case of organized crime, it is unusual to find a securitization that is both clearly power-political and rich in intertextuality. Political confrontations, securitization methods, and the precise production of public spectacles are all manifestations of the intertwining of myth, popular culture, and power politics in this world.

Reflectivist (mainly critical constructivist, post-structuralist, and international political sociology) conceptualizations of discourse have long been used in the fields of international relations and security studies to make sense of these entanglements and the associated politics of meaning. References such as Milliken (1999) and Fierke (2007) provide overviews. These frameworks highlight the importance of language and meaning in sociopolitical activity and reflective academic study by viewing social dynamics and political decision-making as a process of meaning generation, contestation, and transformation.

Power in discourse refers to the sociopolitical resources available to those who wield discursive power, while power of discourse refers to the dominant problematization of "power of discourse" (i.e., a traditionally post-structuralist focus on the constitutive effects of discourse on subjectivities, typically viewed as broad, historically specific structures or structurations of meaning). Interpreting discourse from a structural perspective using structuration theory and the well-known structure-agency problem in the social sciences is analogous to discourse theory's fundamental categorization system, which distinguishes between "power of discourse" and "power in discourse."This research provides a framework for understanding organized crime webs by drawing on insights from the field of securitization theory. Although these theoretical knots can be studied with securitization theory, the field is still in need of a more thorough theorization of sociopolitical processes and a more robust social theory of speech. References to organized crime translations in early US security discourse will be used to illustrate the theoretical framework this article develops for analyzing securitizing actions in relation to intertextual links and intertextual power politics in popular culture.

Discourse is highly valued by poststructuralist academics because it establishes the framework within which a particular reality can be understood and interacted with (Doty, 1996: 5). For a complete overview, read Barnett and Duvall's (2005) paper. However, many experts in post-structuralist approaches to international relations take the position that there is no such thing as a consistent understanding of agency and/or deliberate and strategic action within discourse. This idea is based on the belief that individuals are formed within a society through discursive activities that contribute to the maintenance of social order. This is shorthand for a theory of speech that links the creation of identities with the preservation of social order. This is especially important for researchers who identify with Foucault, even if they disagree with his views on some issues. Replicating and embodying subjectivities is what happens when people speak, not the actual "production" of them. As a result, people who use language are typically represented as passive consumers of hegemonic discourses that govern the formation of identities. This means that any mention of substantial agency in discourse, and thus of an apparently external or non-discursive existence, is swiftly criticized as being "trapped within modernist assumptions" (Hülsse and Spencer, 2008: 574) or "epistemologically incorrect" (Howarth and Torfing, 2005), at the very least being philosophically contradictory/incommensurable.

Oversimplification and dogmatic interpretation of speech dynamics, as well as the narrow scope of analytical tools applied to investigate them, are argued to be problematic in this essay.Distinct actors might be thought of as being "dislocated" within a social system. The idea of a highly fragmented and inadequately constructed discursive field is also possible. Furthermore, even within a discourse framework explicitly guided by post-structuralist ideas, as explained above, subjectivities can be multiple and overlap, resulting in inconsistencies. Discourse agency, transformation, and violation can be understood through the different ways in which we deviate from the idea of an all-encompassing discourse that exerts complete control over our subjectivities. If this is the case, then the work at hand appears to center on clarifying what we mean when we talk about agency and how we define it, as well as analyzing the dynamics of sociopolitical struggle and how they fit into larger discursive systems. There are a variety of approaches that can be taken to fix this problem.

This book adopts what may be called a discursive constructivist theory of discourse, which is both broad and deep in its conceptualization. This perspective directly contradicts the concept that a linguistic or textual analysis conducted in a vacuum can capture the entire meaning-making process by re-creating the in-text references and distinctions. However, it doesn't reduce sociopolitical analysis to the study of macrostructures or discourse production mechanisms, leaving out the key ideas of agency and power in words. Purvis and Hunt's (1993) study demonstrates the existence of a well-established history of neo-Marxist interpretations of speech, which emphasizes the significance of recognizing a social framework for discourse. Similarities can be seen between these understandings and Jutta Weldes's early contributions to the area of security studies, especially her work in 1996. Fairclough (1992), Fairclough and Wodak (1997), Weiss and Wodak (2002), Wodak (2001), and Wodak and Meyer (2001) are all examples of authors who belong to the critical discourse analysis tradition and who likely take influence from this lengthier tradition. The user's message is vague and out of place. Please elaborate or provide more context. your Unfortunately, many discourse researchers in the field of international relations have relied heavily on a small number of "post-structuralist classics" including Campbell, Ashley, Walker, Der Derian, and Shapiro.

This bias has led to a neglect of an extensive subfield of discourse theory within the field of applied linguistics. Important work by Holzscheiter (2010), Stritzel (2007), and Jackson (2005) has been largely ignored by the academic community. In academic settings, text analysis is often the first step in critical discourse analysis, but it has its limits. To get a firm grasp on the topic at hand, it's necessary to go deeper into its historical and sociopolitical underpinnings. Critical discourse analysis challenges poststructuralism by arguing that language processes are rooted in and ultimately shaped by social activities. Discursive practices, as used here, are specific activities that take place within a larger social sphere. Because of this emphasis on the social realm, critical discourse analysis restricts what may be discussed to events inside that domain.

Texts provide a concrete illustration of linguistic activity, which is itself a sort of social activity. The content of the text is of crucial importance and is the primary point of departure. Language is used to actualize, shape, and realize social qualities, as argued by Kress (2001: 35). Wodak (2001: 66; emphasis added) argues that discourse is best understood as a complex web of simultaneous and sequential linguistic acts. These actions have a common theme that extends beyond any given social setting and can be represented through a variety of mediums, including spoken and written language. By focusing on the larger features of speech, such as discourse power and discourse power, this viewpoint helps advance our social understanding of language.

This view of discourse suggests that sociologists who investigate second-generation securitization theory typically take a structurally focused approach to their research.

You can find similar ideas in the writings of Balzacq (2005, 2011), Stritzel (2007, 2011a,b), and Salter (2008). Waever (1995) and Busan et al. (1998)'s conventional theory of securitization can be read as presenting a discourse-focused approach to the study of security, which is similar to the perspectives of conversation analysis and pragmatics in the field of applied linguistics (Howarth and Torfing, 2005: 6). Ole Wver first proposed the idea of securitization in 1989 (Buzan et al., 1998). He later collaborated with Barry Buzan and Jaap de Wilde to develop the concept further in 1995. It's possible to see the idea as an elementary attempt to spell out the steps necessary to turn anything into a potential security threat. There has been a lot of discussion about the finer points of this theory recently, but its central conceptual framework holds that security acts as an existential threat for different concerns by means of a "speech act." Typically, this is done by a state representative who, by using the word "security," distinguishes a given circumstance or development as being of extraordinary significance.

This securitization has two facets that revolve on the players. The political theory proposes that people in positions of exceptional power, typically those in positions of authority within a state, can create new societal norms by "declaring" emergencies over certain issues, much like a wedding. Some academics have interpreted this as a theory of securitization that is either exclusive to or primarily focused on leaders and leadership (see Williams, 2003 for a notable analysis of these matters), but this reading relies on a deep understanding of speaker authority and "authorized language" (Bourdieu, 1991: 105-16). However, the sociolinguistic viewpoint, which is part of the Copenhagen School and emphasizes the importance of individuals, offers an alternative point of view by arguing that the mechanics and performative nature of speech activities can significantly alter social reality. The Copenhagen School offers an alternate formulation, suggesting that examining language that frames a situation as an existential threat to political collectives and referent entities is the most fruitful method to investigating securitization. The term "language" refers to both the innate features of speech and the social entity that lends legitimacy and acknowledgement to such discourse (Buzan et al., 1998: 25, 32), suggesting that the term is best understood as a fusion of linguistic aspects and social factors.

Conclusion

The fascinating and varied nature of organized crime in the United States allows for the study of securitizing methods with respect to intertextual links with popular culture. The political significance of these ties is both clear and substantial. We can now go beyond wild speculation and intriguing conspiracy theories, thanks to the high quality and quantity of the available historical evidence. This paves the way for an in-depth examination of how securitizations affect the interplay between language, popular culture, and the distribution of power. It's crucial to recognize that looking only at securitization language in the US or at the power dynamics of securitization in the context of US-based organized crime is insufficient. The case study is notable because of the characters' wide use of pop culture and the complex interplay between power relations, intertextuality, and securitizing tactics.

From a sociopolitical vantage point, the most important factors were the struggle for control of the relevant political discourse and the creation of the perceived threat. In this setting, a small group of powerful actors effectively controlled the narrative about organized crime, shaping public and elite perceptions of the threat and preventing alternative narratives from gaining traction. But the key sources of information—Anslinger, Peterson, and Sullivan—showed an extraordinary command and influence over the discussion of film and media. They cleverly took advantage of the media's and Hollywood's fascination with organized crime and ignorance of the subject to craft "authentic plots." In the early stages of the securitization process, knowledge became the most important form of social capital, and the flow of knowledge among key knowledge agents was vital to the acquisition of power. Because of its adaptability, the resource in question was able to exert more of an impact on the conversation than any preexisting institutional authority. The enormous influence of popular culture may be traced to the construction of a solid foundation and narrative structure that reinforced the credibility of speakers and effectively convinced audiences in the United States. As a result, securitization decisions were heavily impacted by claim and propositional content, which includes the identification of risks and the presentation of supporting evidence or arguments. It may be argued that the overuse of gangster movie tropes provides plausible grounds for employing stringent safety procedures.

References

Albanese JS (2004) Organized Crime in Our Times. Cincinnati, OH: Anderson. Allen G (2000) Intertextuality. London: Routledge. Anslinger H and Oursler W (1962) The Murderers. New York: Farrar. Ashley R (1989) Living on border lines: Man, poststructuralism and war. In: Der Derian J and Shapiro M (eds) International/Intertextual Relations. Lexington, KT: Lexington Books, 259–321.

Bachrach P and Baratz M (1963) Decisions and nondecisions: An analytical framework. American Political Science Review 57(3): 632–642.

Balzacq T (2005) The three faces of securitization: Political agency, audience and context. European Journal of International Relations 11(2): 171–201.

Balzacq T (2011) Securitization Theory. London: Routledge. Barnett M and Duvall R (2005) Power in international politics. International Organization 59(4): 39–75.

Bernstein L (2002) The Greatest Menace. Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press. Bernstein RJ (1983) Beyond Objectivism and Relativism. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press.

Bigo D (2000) Liaison officers in Europe. In: Sheptycki J (ed.) Issues in Transnational Policing. London: Routledge, 67–99.

Bourdieu P (1991) Language and Symbolic Power. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Bourdieu P and Wacquant LJD (1992) An Invitation to Reflexive Sociology. Cambridge: University of Chicago Press.

Buzan B, Wæver O and De Wilde J (1998) Security: A New Framework of Analysis. London: Lynne Rienner.

Campbell D (1998) Writing Security. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Croft S (2006) Culture, Change and America’s War on Terror. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Der Derian J and Shapiro MJ (eds) (1989) International/Intertextual Relations. Lexington, KT: Lexington Books. Doty RL (1996) Aporia: A critical exploration of the agent–structure problematique in international relations theory. European Journal of International Relations 3(3): 365–392.

Fairclough N (1992) Discourse and Social Change. Oxford: Polity. Downloaded from sdi.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 12, 2016 566 Security Dialogue 43(6).

Fairclough N and Wodak R (1997) Critical discourse analysis. In: Van Dijk TA (ed.) Discourse as Social Interaction. London: Sage, 258–284.

Fierke K (2007) Critical Approaches to International Security. Cambridge: Polity. Foucault M (2008) Die Hauptwerke [Chief Works]. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp.

Glaab CN and Brown TA (1976) A History of Urban America. New York: Macmillan. Gorman JB (1971) Kefauver: A Political Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Grayson K, Davies M and Philpott S (2009) Pop Goes IR? Politics 29(3): 155–163.

Hansen L (2006) Security as Practice: Discourse Analysis and the Bosnian War. London: Routledge.

Herschinger E (2011) Constructing Global Enemies: Hegemony and Identity in International Discourses on Terrorism and Drug Prohibition. London: Routledge.

Holzscheiter A (2010) Children’s Rights in International Politics. Houndmills: Palgrave. Howarth D (2000) Discourse. New York: Open University Press.

Howarth D and Torfing J (2005) Discourse Theory in European Politics. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

Hülsse R and Spencer A (2008) The metaphor of terror: Terrorism studies and the constructivist turn. Security Dialogue 39(6): 571–592.

Huysmans J (2006) The Politics of Insecurity. London: Routledge.

Jackson R (2005) Writing the War on Terrorism. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Jackson R, Jarvis L, Gunning J and Breen Smyth M (2011) Terrorism: A Critical Introduction. Basingstoke: Palgrave.

Joseph J and Roberts JM (eds) (2004) Realism, Discourse and Deconstruction. New York: Routledge. Kefauver E ([1951] 1968) Crime in America. New York: Garden City. Kennedy RF ([1960] 1994) The Enemy Within. New York: Da Capo.

Kenney DJ and Finckenauer JO (1995) Organized Crime in America. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Kingdon JW (1995) Agendas, Alternatives and Public Policies. New York: Pearson.

Kress G (2001) From Saussure to critical sociolinguistics: The turn towards a social view of language. In: Wetherell M, Taylor S and Yates SJ (eds) Discourse Theory and Practice. London: Sage, 29–46.

Lukes S (2004) Power: A Radical View. New York: Palgrave. McClellan JL (1962) Crime Without Punishment. New York:

Duell, Sloan and Pearce. Milliken J (1999) The study of discourse in international relations. European Journal of International Relations 5(2): 225–254.

Moore WH (1974) The Kefauver Committee and the Politics of Crime 1950–1952. Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press. Peterson VW (1952) Barbarians in Our Midst. Boston: Little.

Pouliot V (2010) International Security in Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Purvis T and Hunt A (1993) Discourse, ideology, discourse, ideology, discourse, ideology…. The British Journal of Sociology 44(3): 473–499.

Ruth DE (1996) Inventing the Public Enemy. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

Salter M (2008) Securitization and desecuritization: A dramaturgical analysis of the Canadian Air Transport Security Authority. Journal of International Relations and Development 11(4): 321–349.

Schattschneider EE (1975) The Semisovereign People: A Realist’s View of Democracy in America. New York:

Wadsworth. Shapiro MJ (1989) Textualizing global politics. In: Derian JD and Shapiro MJ (eds) International/Intertextual Relations. Lexington, KT: Lexington Books, 11–22.

Smith DC (1975) The Mafia Mystique. New York: Hutchinson. Stritzel H (2007) Towards a theory of securitization: Copenhagen and beyond. European Journal of International Relations 13(3): 357–383.

Downloaded from sdi.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on May 12, 2016 Stritzel: Discourse theory and the transactions of organized crime 567.

Stritzel H (2011a) Security, the translation. Security Dialogue 42(4–5): 343–355.

Stritzel H (2011b) Security as translation: Threats, discourse, and the politics of localisation. Review of International Studies 37(5): 2491–2517.

Torfing J (1999) New Theories of Discourse. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. US Congress, Senate Special Committee to Investigate Crime in Interstate Commerce (1951) Third Interim Report. 82nd Congress,

Washington, DC. Villumsen T (2010) Capitalizing on Bourdieu: Boundary-setting, agency, and doxic battles in IR. Unpublished manuscript. Villumsen T (2012) The International Political Sociology of Security. London:

Routledge. Vuori J (2008) Illocutionary logic and strands of securitization: Applying the theory of securitization to the study of non-democratic political orders. European Journal of International Relations 14(1): 65–99.

Wæver O (1989) Security, the speech act. Unpublished manuscript. Wæver O (1995) Securitization and desecuritization. In: Lipschutz RD (ed.) On Security. New York: Columbia University Press, 46–86.

Weiss G and Wodak R (eds) (2002) Critical Discourse Analysis. London: Palgrave. Weldes J (1996) Constructing national interest. European Journal of International Relations 2(3): 275–318.

Weldes J (2003) Popular culture, science fiction, and world politics: Exploring intertextual relations. In: Weldes J (ed.) To Seek Out New Worlds. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 1–27.

Williams MC (2003) Words, images, enemies: Securitization and international politics. International Studies Quarterly 47(4): 511–531.

Wilson JQ (1978) The Investigators. New York: Basic. Wodak R (2001) The discourse-historical approach. In: Wodak R and Meyer M (eds) Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis. London: Sage, 63–94.

Wodak R and Meyer M (eds) (2001) Methods of Critical Discourse Analysis. London: Sage, 63–94.

Woodiwiss M (2001) Organized Crime and American Power. Toronto: University of Toronto Press

Only for Girls from the West? Transnational culture and Post Feminism

2024-06-27T12:05:02+03:00

Only for Girls from the West? Transnational culture and Post Feminism

Sumbhal Khan

Ms Scholar at Khushal Khan Khattak Karak University. At- Sumbhal68@gmail.com

Abstract

A substantial corpus of literature exists on the subject of post-feminism, which predominantly focuses on the context of the "Western" world and delineates post-feminism within the framework of "Western culture." The present study posits that feminist cultural academics have not adequately addressed the potential implications of post-feminism in non-Western cultural contexts. This paper advocates for the adoption of a transnational analytic and methodological framework in the critical examination of postfeminism. It accomplishes this by offering a concise survey of the existing body of literature on postfeminism in non-Western contexts and by contextualizing it within the broader discourse of transnational feminist cultural studies. The argument posits that employing this strategy proves advantageous in comprehending postfeminism as a culturally pervasive phenomenon with global mobility, exerting influence beyond the confines of Western Europe and the United States, affecting individuals of both genders. The last section of this paper provides a definition of the term and explores the potential benefits of this novel conceptual framework for feminist cultural scholars in their examination of post feminism as a worldwide cultural phenomenon.

Introduction

The concept of "freedom" to participate in conventional gender roles, as discussed by scholars such as Gill (2007, 2008), Tasker and Negra (2007), McRobbie (2009), Gill and Scharff (2011), and Butler (2013), often involves a dismissal or rejection of feminism as superfluous or undesirable. Rosalind Gill (2007, 2008) posits that post-feminism is a paradoxical mindset that manifests through heightened focus on femininity as a corporeal characteristic, amplified expectations for women to engage in self-objectification within a (hetero)sexual context, disciplined consumption of fashion and beauty products, and the insistence on depicting women's behaviors as autonomous, intellectually informed, and personally fulfilling. Post-feminist discourse perpetuates the valorization of the feminine physique by employing the concept of "rhetoric of choice." This framework portrays a continuous series of ostensibly favorable and empowering commercial decisions, which are deemed independent, for women and girls, as articulated by Blue (2012). Post-feminism is widely recognized as a neoliberal sensibility due to its emphasis on individualizing logics that downplay and diminish the persistent gendered inequality experienced by women. This is further compounded by its inherent association with consumerist ideals of "choice", as discussed by scholars such as Gill (2008), Gill and Scharff (2011), and Butler (2013).

The majority of contemporary feminist scholarship pertaining to postfeminism has been focused on the geographical regions commonly referred to as the "Western" globe. There is a prevailing tendency to perceive post-feminism as being predominantly Western, both in terms of its geographical location or origin, and in terms of its designation as "post-" the predominantly progressive outcomes of Western second-wave feminist action (Tasker and Negra, 2007; McRobbie, 2009). However, it is widely acknowledged in scholarly literature that postfeminism has implications beyond its impact on women in Western societies. In contrast, Tasker and Negra (2007) contend that this perspective is inherently characterized by whiteness and middle-class values, as it is primarily centered around consumption as a means of self-formation and leisure as a physical space. The demographic in question is extensively and evidently addressed by postfeminism, leading to the observation that the movement's idealized individual is typically young, heterosexual, physically healthy, slim, and conforms to traditional standards of attractiveness.

Dosekun, in its third iteration (April 2015) Butler (2013) and McRobbie (2009) are two notable authors in the field. On the contrary, if one were to query about the exclusivity of a certain item or activity to individuals of White ethnicity, posing the question, "Is this intended solely for White girls?" In her analysis, Jess Butler contends that contemporary scholars within the postfeminist framework often make assumptions on the societal exclusion or limited representation of women of color in Western contexts, as observed in both media and academic literature. The author advocates for a more comprehensive understanding of postfeminism that incorporates intersectionality, particularly in relation to its appreciation for racial variety. The author contends that the prevailing assumption regarding this matter is excessively simplistic and lacks empirical evidence (2013, p. 48). The author's approach involves a critical examination of post-feminist media representations of women of color in Western societies.

This scholarly paper posits that in order to comprehensively comprehend postfeminism, it is imperative to adopt a transnational lens, as it has exerted a far-reaching influence that extends beyond women in Western societies. The article mainly relies on the insights provided by Butler (2013). The central thesis of this essay is the value in reimagining postfeminism as a global cultural phenomenon. In juxtaposition to the terms "West," "global North," "first," and "developed," I shall employ the expressions "non-West," "global South," and "third," correspondingly, in order to articulate my argument.

The aforementioned designations pertain to geographical areas that have been historically characterized by the presence of imperialist ideologies, fantasies, and socio-economic disparities (Grewal, 2005). According to Inderpal Grewal (2005, 25), the categorizations of "the West" and "the Non-West" were initially constructed through European colonization and have since been consistently reinterpreted to perpetuate the disparities between affluent nations and those deemed as "developing," as well as between different socioeconomic strata. Furthermore, I utilize the aforementioned concepts in a heuristic manner in order to question the prevailing notions of clear distinctions and binary systems that they both create and embody. The term "transnational" is employed in this context to encompass the analytical method that surpasses the aforementioned restrictions, as elucidated by Grewal and Kaplan in their works from 1994 and 2001. Further elaboration on this matter will be provided thereafter. The notion of transnationalism remains relatively uncommon in postfeminist literature. To offer more substantiation, the initial portion of the article, labeled "Simidele Dosekun Final Draft - April 2015 4", provides a concise overview of prior discourse around postfeminism and its rationales in relation to or in connection with the global South. I argue that the current body of literature on post-feminism has predominantly focused on its origins inside Western civilization, thereby neglecting comprehensive study, theoretical analysis, and investigation into its applicability beyond the borders of the United States.

In the subsequent sections of this dissertation, transnational feminist cultural studies will be employed as a theoretical framework to provide potential strategies for addressing and reducing the existing divide. In order to establish postfeminism as a distinct concept, this paper offers a theoretical analysis of transnational cultural phenomena in the subsequent part. The process of transnationalization is an inherent aspect of postfeminism due to its fundamental nature as a mediated and commercialised discourse, accompanied by a range of material behaviours. In essence, the distribution and transmission of it do not adhere to a rigid North-South axis when crossing international borders. In the final half of the article, an in-depth analysis is provided regarding the theoretical argument, focusing on the analytical implications and the importance of understanding postfeminism as a worldwide cultural phenomenon. In order to elucidate my arguments, I shall present a concise overview of my research pertaining to noteworthy emergent forms of femininity within the context of Lagos, Nigeria. Feminist cultural academics possess the ability to discover, examine, and establish novel areas of study through their conceptualization of postfeminism as a worldwide cultural phenomenon. They possess a more comprehensive understanding of the intricate, contradictory, and politically sensitive cultural frameworks associated with globalisation.

Non-Western societies or cultures The intersection of postfeminism and globalisation has been a topic of academic interest and analysis. Scholars have examined the ways in which these two phenomena interact and influence one other numerous instances may be observed where Western actors have assumed the roles of "other" women who undertake acts of rescue, as exemplified in Mohanty Simidele Dosekun's Final Draught - April 2015. This phenomenon can be attributed to the longstanding portrayal of the Western world as a bastion of "progress" and "modernity" for women. T

here is a possibility that Western feminists are involved in perpetuating these discourses, as Chandra Mohanty (1988: 61) characterises them as considering the "'Third World Woman' as a singular, homogeneous entity." Gonick et al. (2009), Sensoy and Marshall (2010), Wilson (2011), 2012, Koffman and Gill (2013), and Switzer (2013) represent a selection of scholarly works that delve into the examination of how conventional feminist themes and interpretations undergo transformation within the framework of postfeminism and neoliberalism. The authors of this study examine and analyse the interconnected, facilitating, and occasionally endorsing assertion that feminism has fulfilled its obligations in Western societies, while simultaneously seeing the discursive shift of its ongoing importance to non-Western contexts. According to Koffman and Gill (2013), the concept of "turning to girls" in policy and popular discourses serves to create and highlight the differences between girls in the Global North and South. These discourses portray girls as both empowered, postfeminist individuals and as victims of patriarchal norms. According to the arguments put out by Heather Switzer (2013) and Kalpana Wilson (2012), there appears to be a greater likelihood of the general public accepting feminism when it is specifically applied to or advocated for girls residing in the global South, in contrast to the perception of post-feminist Western females. According to Marshall and Sensoy (2010), this phenomenon is referred to as "missionary girl power."

The existing body of research indicates that post-feminist discourses surrounding "girl power," which have gained significant traction in the developed regions of the world, are undergoing a transformation into discourses emphasising the need for empowering girls, particularly in the less developed regions of the world. The repositioning of girls and women from the global South as the preferred recipients of development programming and intervention is being actively pursued by states, the neoliberal development industry, and global corporate agendas. This shift in rhetoric is being supported by various scholars and researchers, including Gonick et al. (2009), Sensoy and Marshall (2010), Wilson (2011, 2012), Koffman and Gill (2013), and Schweizer (2013). Switzer characterises it as a narrative that embodies "(post)feminist development fable" and explores the concept of "young female exceptionalism." The film effectively emphasises feminist ideals of gender equality and women's autonomy by presenting them as widely accepted principles. Dosekun Simidele hails from Nigeria, where she was both born and reared.

The data was last amended on April 6, 2015, indicating that there were 6 instances of reclaiming them for financial gain in 2013, with a total of 350 occurrences. Nevertheless, the representation of women from developing countries as "still requiring feminism," regardless of how contemporary or innovative it may be, persists in obscuring and diminishing their multifaceted nature. There have been suggestions made by Sensoy and Marshall (2010) as well as Wilson (2011) that women in the global South possess their own feminist agency or have a historical presence of feminism within their local contexts. However, these perspectives are currently being overlooked or dismissed. Within the existing dominant discursive paradigms, it is highly implausible to categorise these women as post-feminist. The concept in question has been largely overlooked by scholars employing a critical feminist cultural perspective to examine postfeminism.

McRobbie (2007, 2009) offers a limited number of theoretical justifications for the potential benefits of postfeminism for women residing in the global South. According to her, a novel kind of female physique, commonly referred to as the "global girl," has surfaced inside these regions. According to McRobbie (2007), the term "global girl" refers to non-Western women who are employed as industrial workers and are becoming increasingly integrated into the unequal networks of global capitalism. Similar to her Western counterpart, the global girl possesses the capability to sustain herself financially, demonstrates diligent work ethic, strives for personal and societal improvement, and derives satisfaction from some luxuries provided by Western consumer society for women. According to the cited source (2007, 733-734), these characteristics eventually influence her identity and sense of belonging. According to McRobbie (2009, 88-89), it is suggested that individuals who do not possess the ability to adopt a detached and ironic approach towards femininity, as observed in their Western postfeminist counterparts, are likely to be included in both local and foreign editions of Cosmopolitan magazine. According to scholarly discourse, Western states and multinational corporations perceive the global girl as an exemplary labour force from developing nations. This perception is rooted in the belief that she will remain in her home country and aspire to acquire Western fashion and beauty products, which are associated with notions of femininity and sexuality prevalent in the West. Consequently, the global girl is expected to refrain from pursuing migration to Western countries in pursuit of improved economic prospects (Author, Year, p. 89).

In contrast, the preliminary draught authored by Dosekun was completed in April 2015. The number 7 is a numerical value. Based on McRobbie's (2007, 2009) theoretical proposition, it may be argued that non-Western nations perceive post-feminism as a diluted and derivative form of its original Western origins, primarily transmitted through consumer culture. The girls in that particular region have a tendency towards more naivety and a willingness to adorn themselves with few means, in contrast to the perception of Western women as strong, independent, attractive, and alluring. McRobbie presents a portrayal of the global female that is characterised by oversimplification and schematic representation, drawing heavily from hegemonic cultural depictions. While I find this portrayal intriguing, I also perceive it as a problematic representation that lacks nuance and fails to capture the diverse range of experiences and identities.

Mohanty's (1988) examination of prior Western feminist portrayals of non-Western women has aroused a sense of scepticism within me regarding certain aspects. Central to my present argument is the notion that the global girl typology fails to acknowledge the cultural distinctions among non-Western women. Insufficient consideration is given to the significant economic disparity that exists between the countries of the global North and South. Based on the 2010 World Bank figures, it is seen that the upper decile of Nigeria's populace possesses approximately 32.9% of the nation's total revenue, but the lower decile of the population possesses a mere 2.2% of the same.This imbalance presents a significant challenge in attempting to draw any parallel, whether by heuristic or metaphorical means (as discussed by Ong, 2006 and Sun, 2011), between the visually appealing female depicted on a magazine cover originating from a developing nation and the circumstances of an exploited factory labourer or a translocal individual engaged in unpaid domestic work, commonly referred to as a "maid," in relation to their middle-class employer. McRobbie's analysis in 2007 and 2009 fails to adequately address the degree to which women from affluent backgrounds in the global South are exposed to post-feminist culture. Furthermore, it overlooks the various channels through which these women may acquire such exposure, which extend beyond mere dilution or a desire for Western influences.

References

Appadurai, Arjun. 1996. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Bakare-Yusuf, Bibi. 2011. “Nudity and morality: legislating women’s bodies and dress in Nigeria.” In African Sexualities: A Reader, edited by Sylvia Tamale, 116-129.

Cape Town: Pambazuka Press. Blue, Morgan. 2012. “The Best of Both Worlds? Youth, Gender and a Post-feminist Sensibility in Disney’s Hannah Montana.” Feminist Media Studies (ahead of print): 1- 16.

Simidele Dosekun Final draft – April 2015 28 Bradfield, Shelley-Jean. 2014. “Society’s Emerging Femininities: Neoliberal, Postfeminist and Hybrid Identities on Television in South Africa.” In The Routledge Companion to Media and Gender, edited by Carter, Cynthia, Steiner, Linda and McLaughlin, Lisa, 280-289.

London and New York: Routledge, 280-289. Butler, Jess. 2013. “For White Girls Only? Post-feminism and the Politics of Inclusion.” Feminist Formations 25 (1): 35-58.

Butler, Pamela, and Jigna Desai. 2008. “Manolos, Marriage, and Mantras: Chick-Lit Criticism and Transnational Feminism.” Meridians: Feminism, Race, Transnationalism 8 (2): 1-31. Chen, Eva. 2012. “Shanghai(ed) Babies.” Feminist Media Studies 12 (2): 214-228.

Dogbe, Esi. 2003. “Unraveled Yarns: Dress, Consumption, and Women’s Bodies in Ghanaian culture.” Fashion Theory: The Journal of Dress, Body & Culture 7(3/4): 377-396.

George, Abosede. 2014. Making Modern Girls: A History of Girlhood, Labor, and Social Development In Colonial Lagos. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press. Gill, Rosalind. 2007. “Post-feminist Media Culture: Elements of a Sensibility”, European Journal of Cultural Studies 10 (2): 147-166.

Simidele Dosekun Final draft – April 2015 29 Gill, Rosalind. 2008. “Culture and Subjectivity in Neoliberal and Post-feminist Times.” Subjectivity. 25: 432-445.

Gill, Rosalind, and Christina Scharff. 2011. “Introduction.” In New Femininities: Post-feminism, Neoliberalism and Subjectivity, edited by Rosalind Gill and Christina Scharff, 1-17.

Basingstoke: Palgrave McMillan. Gonick, Marnina, Emma Renold, Jessica Ringrose and Lisa Weems. 2009. “Rethinking Agency and Resistance: What Comes after Girl Power?”Girlhood Studies 2 (2): 1-9.

Grewal, Inderpal. 2005. Transnational America: Feminisms, Diasporas, Neoliberalisms. Durham: Duke University Press. Grewal, Inderpal, and Caren Kaplan. 1994. “Introduction: Transnational Feminist Practices and Questions of Postmodernity.” In Scattered Hegemonies: Postmodernity and Transnational Feminist Practices, edited by Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan, 1-33.

Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Grewal, Inderpal, and Caren Kaplan. 2001. “Global Identities: Theorizing Transnational Studies of Sexuality.” GLQ 7 (4): 663-679.

Gwynne, Joel. 2013. “Japan, Postfeminism and the Consumption of Sexual(ised) Schoolgirls in Male-authored Contemporary Manga.” Feminist Theory 14 (3): 325- 343.

Simidele Dosekun Final draft – April 2015 30 Hegde, Radha. 2011. “Introduction.” In Circuits of Visibility: Gender and Transnational Media Cultures, edited by Radha Hegde, 1-21.

New York: New York University Press. Koffman, Ofra and Rosalind Gill. 2013. “‘The Revolution Will Be Led by a 12-YearOld Girl’: Girl Power and Global Biopolitics.” Feminist Review 105: 83-102.

Kraidy, Marwan. 2002. “Hybridity in Cultural Globalization.” Communication Theory 12 (3): 316–339.

Lazar, Michelle. 2006. “‘Discover the Power of Femininity!: Analyzing Global Power Femininity in Local Advertising.” Feminist Media Studies. 6 (4): 505-517.

Lazar, Michelle. 2009. “Entitled to Consume: Post-feminist Femininity and a Culture of Post-critique.” 3 (4): 371-400.

Lazar, Michelle. 2011. “The Right to Be Beautiful: Post-feminist Identity and Consumer Beauty Advertising.” In New Femininities: Post-feminism, Neoliberalism and Subjectivity, edited by Rosalind Gill and Christina Scharff, 37-51.

Basingstoke: Palgrave McMillan. Mankekar, Purnima. 2008. “Media and Mobility in a Transnational World.” In The Media and Social Theory, edited by Desmond Hesmondhalgh and Jason Toynbee, 145-158.

Oxon: Routledge. Simidele Dosekun Final draft – April 2015 31 McRobbie, Angela. 2007. “Top Girls?” Cultural Studies 21 (4): 718-737.

McRobbie, Angela. 2009. The Aftermath of Feminism: Gender, Culture and Social Change. London: Sage. Mohanty, Chandra. 1988. “Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses.”Feminist Review 30 (Autumn): 61-88.

Odejide, Abiola. 2007. ““What Can a Woman do?”” Being Women in a Nigerian University.” Feminist Africa 8: 42-59.

Ong, Aihwa. 2006. Neoliberalism as Exception: Mutations in Citizenship and Sovereignty. Durham: Duke University Press. Parameswaran, Radhika. 2004. “Global Queens, National Celebrities: Tales of Feminine Triumph in Post-liberalization India.” Critical Studies in Media Communication 21 (4): 346-370.

Pomerantz, Shauna, Rebecca Raby and Andrea Stefanik. 2013. “Girls Run the World? Caught between Sexism and Post-feminism in School.” Gender & Society 27 (2): 185- 207.

Reddy, Vanita. 2006. “The Nationalization of the Global Indian Woman.” South Asian Popular Culture 4 (1): 61-85.

Simidele Dosekun Final draft – April 2015 32 Renold, Emma, and Jessica Ringrose. 2011. “Schizoid Subjectivities? Re-theorizing Teen Girls’ Sexual Cultures in an Era of ‘Sexualization.’” Journal of Sociology 47 (4): 389-409.

Salmenniemi, Suvi, and Adamson, Maria. 2014. “New heroines of labour: Domesticating post-feminism and neoliberal capitalism in Russia.” Sociology (online first): 1-18.

Sassen, Saskia. 2000. “Spatialities and Temporalities of the Global: Elements for a Theorization.” Public Culture 12(1) : 215–232

Sensoy, Ozlem, and Elizabeth Marshall. 2010. “Missionary Girl Power: Saving the ‘Third World’ One Girl at a Time.” Gender and Education 22 (3): 295-311.

Shome, Raka, and Radha Hegde. 2002. “Culture, Communication, and the Challenge of Globalization.” Critical Studies in Media Communication 19 (2): 172-189.

Sun, Wanning. 2011. “Maid as Metaphor: Dagongmei and a New Pathway to Chinese Transnational Capital.” In Circuits of Visibility: Gender and Transnational Media Cultures, edited by Radha Hegde, 196-211.

New York: New York University Press. Switzer, Heather. 2013. “(Post) Feminist Development Fables: The Girl Effect and the Production of Sexual Subjects.” Feminist Theory 14 (3): 345-360.

Simidele Dosekun Final draft – April 2015 33 Tasker, Yvonne and Diane Negra, eds. 2007. Interrogating Post-feminism: Gender and the Politics of Popular Culture. Durham: Duke University Press.

Wilson, Kalpana. 2011. “‘Race, Gender and Neoliberalism: Changing Visual Representations in Development.” Third World Quarterly 32 (2): 315-331.

Wilson, Kalpana. 2012. Race, Racism and Development: Interrogating History, Discourse and Practice. London: Zed Books.

How Different Personalities Affect Which Software Tasks People Choose

2024-06-27T12:08:09+03:00

How Different Personalities Affect Which Software Tasks People Choose

Shehzad Khan

Affiliated with Iqra University Peshawar at- Khan1222@gmail.com

Abstract

According to the findings of psychology study, it is a commonly held belief that individuals might not have the required qualities or aptitudes to achieve success in any particular line of work. Therefore, the likelihood of attaining success in a software development project is increased when workers who exhibit specific personality traits are assigned to jobs that are linked with the interests that they themselves have. The manner in which software experts carry out their jobs has a significant impact on the overall process of developing software. For the purpose of this empirical study, a sample size of one hundred software developers from Cuba will be surveyed. These software developers will consist of both teaching staff and students linked with the University of Informatics Sciences in Havana. The goal of this undertaking is to determine whether or if there is a possible association between a person's role preferences and the personality variables that are present throughout the software development life cycle. According to the findings, the most common occupations held by the participants were those of a system analyst, software designer, and programmer. On the other hand, software engineers do not typically take on the tasks of testing and maintenance to the same extent as other software professionals.

Keywords: Human aspects of software development, software life cycle, software psychology, and human considerations in software engineering

Introduction

Software engineering has emerged as a field of study of growing significance over the course of the previous two decades, and this development is expected to continue in the foreseeable future. Software engineering encompasses a wide range of activities, including analysing, designing, developing, testing, and maintaining software. In the modern era, software engineering is merely one of many fields that encompass a vast number of specialised subfields. The human element of software engineering is just as important as the technical expertise that is required, and software engineers need to improve their communication skills in order to improve their ability to connect with users and team members. Software project managers have, for a considerable amount of time, wrestled with the challenge of assigning tasks to teams in a way that maximises the likelihood of a successful completion of the project [1]. There have been a number of different attempts made to enhance the performance of software by integrating a variety of decision-making processes into the engineering process [3]. The aforementioned ideas are influenced in several ways, including by one's character, their upbringing, and their level of motivation. It is general knowledge that when software engineers are provided with well-defined targets, they are able to considerably enhance their production. A productive interaction between these components can also be the outcome of their mutual dependence on one another. It is a widely held belief that one's performance can be affected by things such as one's internal motivation and the external situation. It is particularly clear in the field of information technology [4, 5] how essential motivation is to the accomplishment of professional objectives. On the other hand, inspiration by itself is not necessarily sufficient to bring about the desired results.

Recognising that external factors are not the only factor in determining employment is another key step in the right direction. Because of this, the productivity of software engineers is determined by a large variety of factors [6]. The majority of research conducted in this area of study has focused on the dynamic relationship that exists between the concepts of motivation and environment. On the other hand, this is the very first study to concentrate entirely on the examination of preferences. It has been suggested by Feldt et al. (7) that environment, by itself, is not adequate to promote performance on a particular task. In this inquiry, we hone in on the role that an individual's personal preferences can have in determining the success or failure of a software development project. In addition to this, it studies the ways in which different personality characteristics may influence a user's preference when it comes to the completion of specific software-related tasks.

Numerous academic studies have been conducted to investigate the connection that exists between the personalities of software engineers and the level of success they achieve in their careers. The fundamental objective of these investigations is to determine whether or not there is a correlation between personality characteristics and various aspects of the software development process. For instance, Choi (2018) and Da Cunha (2019) both take into account a variety of challenges that are associated with programming. The capability-person connection model that Acuna and Juristo [10] developed enables software project managers to delegate responsibilities to members of a team based on the members' preexisting skill sets. According to Acuna et al. (2011), one of the most important aspects of developing high-performing teams is allocating sufficient resources to activities related to team development. They focus on human capacity as the primary focus of their approach, and they provide management consulting services to small and medium- sized software businesses.

Changing the Big Five strategy in software engineering is something that Ritcher and Dumke (2012) suggest doing through making use of the FMEA tool. When applied to the field of software engineering, the human factor is frequently regarded as a possible risk. The preferences of software engineers were investigated by Capretz and Ahmed [13] in relation to the various stages of the software development life cycle. This analysis entails comparing these phases with the personality characteristics described by the MBTI as well as taking into consideration the soft skills that are stressed in adverts for open positions. According to the findings of these investigations, an individual's personality determines not only their performance and their choice of responsibilities, but also their environment and the amount of motivation that they feel. These elements have the potential to influence the choice of tasks, as well as performance and motivation.

There are a wide variety of psychological examinations that can be utilised for the objectives of behaviour prediction and career guidance. Several different personality frameworks, such as the Keirsey Temperament Sorter and the Five-Factor theory, can be used to gain a better understanding of the influence that an individual's personality has on the tasks involved in software development. The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) is a tool that is frequently utilised in the field of business to make determinations on the personalities of individuals. The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) is a tool that examines a person's preferences along four axes: extraversion/introversion, sensing/intuition, thinking/feeling, and judging/perceiving. Extraversion refers to a person's tendency to be more outgoing while introversion refers to a person's tendency to be more introspective.

The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) classifies individuals into one of two categories determined by their preferences regarding the four pairs of axes: sensing (S) and intuition (N), feelings (F) and logic (T), perception (P) and judgement (J), and extroversion (E) and introversion (I). On the basis of these preferences, we are able to categorise people into one of sixteen distinct groups, each of which is designated by a different four- letter code. According to the findings of a plethora of research, one of the most important factors influencing a person's level of job satisfaction is whether or not the task they perform is a suitable match for their unique personality.

People that get their energy from social contacts, such as extroverts, have a tendency to be more extroverted and love working in team contexts, whereas introverts are more comfortable working alone and prefer not to interact with others. The manner in which we become aware of new information constitutes the second aspect of the S-N

dimension. People who are more intuitive, for example, are more likely to exhibit a tendency towards researching complicated connections, thinking theoretically, and analysing innovative choices. This is because intuitive people are more likely to be creative thinkers. People who have a preference for the senses, on the other hand, are more likely to be practical, to place a high value on actual experience, and to learn most effectively through the use of sensory data. The third dimension, T-F, focuses on the decision-making processes that are unique to each individual. Intelligent people take great pleasure in undertaking study into phenomena that can be assessed logically and objectively. This type of research can be quite rewarding. The "feeler" mindset can be recognised by a more emotional reaction to different scenarios as well as a leaning towards helping professions as a career choice. In a word, people whose personality types are perceived as perceiving and perceiving tend to gravitate towards activities that require a great lot of adaptability in order to successfully deal with surroundings that are always evolving. On the other side, individuals who have a preference for judging are more likely to be attracted to careers that place an emphasis on order and technique.

The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator, sometimes known as the MBTI, has come under fire for a variety of reasons, including the fact that its statistical design is incorrect and that it has additional constraints. When considering the prospect of being mistreated in a professional or organisational setting, it is vital to act with extreme caution. In spite of this, it is important to point out that the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) is still considered to be the gold standard for conducting personality tests in the field of software engineering [17].

According to Myers (14), the S-N and T-F dimensions of an individual have a significant impact on the likelihood that they will look for work. On the basis of cognitive measurements, the following elements interact to influence the degree to which people are interested in and satisfied with the occupations they have chosen: On the other hand, STs prefer tasks that need the application of past knowledge in order to succeed. They have a keen awareness of their surroundings and pay close attention to the particulars, yet they are unwilling to experiment with different methods. In addition, the purpose of their work is not simply to make use of or improve upon methods that already exist, but rather to generate new information. According to the findings of certain studies, those who think more instinctively (also known as NTs) are more likely to be creative than people whose thought processes are more analytical (also known as STs). This disparity can be explained by the fact that NTs have a greater propensity to recognize patterns and connections and to be open to ideas that extend beyond the data that is presented to them. Therefore, persons who have neurotically traits have the ability to find innovative principles through the integration of theoretical frameworks and their tendency to generalize. This is possible because of their characteristics. People's points of view are significantly influenced by a variety of factors, including their levels of extroversion and introversion, as well as their levels of judgement and perception.

Research Methodology

This research tries to determine the most suitable career options for software engineers by taking into account the specialized qualities possessed by members of this demographic. It has been demonstrated,

through the use of an empirical method, that there is a correlation between the personality type of an individual and the preferences that they have in the field of software engineering. According to the findings of this study, the personalities of engineers have a strong correlation with the hobbies they have a penchant for pursuing. It is absolutely necessary to collect relevant field data in order to have an understanding of the influence that the characteristics of software developers have on output. As a result, a survey was carried out, in which participation was solicited from a representative sample of one hundred software engineers working for the University of Informatics Sciences (UCI) in Havana.

When compared to other colleges, the University of California, Irvine (UCI) does not provide nearly as many opportunities for students and professors to collaborate on software development projects. They have a combined experience in the industry of software development that is equivalent to five years on average. Students and faculty members at the University of California, Irvine (UCI) should be called software practitioners due to the work they have done producing software that is utilised by a large number of people. The sample for the study consisted of one hundred different Cuban software developers. These developers consisted of both teaching staff and students from upper-level courses offered by the Department of Informatics Sciences Engineering at the University of Informatics Sciences in Havana.

The sample consisted of 93 teachers and 7 students in their final year of high school. Both the instructors and the students had an equal amount of investment in the process, and between them, they had an average of five years of experience working in the field as software engineers. As a result, referring to professors and students at UCI as software developers is a fair description of their work. The primary focus of the company is on the development of software for distribution in markets located in both Europe and Latin America. If a participant indicated that they were interested in assisting with the research project, they were extended an invitation to take part in the survey.

The gender distribution of the data set had a somewhat higher proportion of females (53%), compared to males (47%). In an effort to eliminate discrimination on the basis of gender, Cuba has issued a decree requiring all colleges to attain and maintain gender parity in their student bodies. The ages of the participants varied from 22 to 23, while the teachers were all between the ages of 23 and 27. The participants were given the MBTI questionnaire, Form M, in Spanish, along with instructions on how to decide which personality type best describes them. Despite the fact that the system was designed to be used for self- assessment, the data analysis was carried out by an onsite assessor who was accredited by the CPP.

Before we started collecting data from the participants, we provided them with role definitions that were unique to the roles that were being researched. At the time that the data was being collected, it was discovered that seven of the sample's members were serving in the capacity of global project managers. At the time that the survey was being conducted, each participant had spent at least five years gaining experience in the software sector. On the other hand, the academics who were a part of the group had, on average, five years of experience in the field of software development. According to the data, there were thirty percent of individuals working on analytical tasks and twenty-eight percent working on programming tasks. Twelve percent were also regarded as subject matter experts due to the fact that they had extensive expertise regarding testing and maintenance. In addition, eleven percent of the persons who participated were given the post of designer, while the remaining participants assumed leadership roles in other initiatives.

After having the participants complete the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI), we posed the question of which of the following five jobs they would be best suited for: analyst, designer, programmer, or tester. Instructions on how to indicate whether a person was "neutral," "had no preference," or "favoured a particular perspective" were given to each participant. It was requested of the participants that they put their active software development projects to the side and consider simply about their preferences in a more broad sense.

Results

Table 2 demonstrates that there is only a little presence of dominating poles within each dimension of the MBTI distribution among the sample of one hundred software engineers. This is shown by the fact that the presence of dominant poles is restricted. To be more specific, the number of people who are extroverts is nearly twice as high as the number of people who are introverts.

The percentage of people who prefer to receive information via their senses is significantly larger than the percentage who prefer to receive information through their intuition. In a similar vein, there are three times as many people who have a preference for logic (75%) as there are those who have a choice for emotion (25%). In addition, there are more people who lean towards having a preference for perceiving (39%) as opposed to sensing (61%), which is the majority. It is clear that there is an excessive amount of "Ts" and "Ss" in the sample, whilst "Fs" and "Ns" are underrepresented, accounting for just 25% and 28% respectively. This is in relation to the fact that there is an overrepresentation of "Ts" and "Ss" in the sample.

The ESTJ configuration has the largest prevalence among personality types, at 25%, followed by the ESTP configuration, which has a frequency of 15%, and the ISTJ configuration, which has a prevalence of 10%. These three categories of personalities account for a combined total of fifty percent of the total sample. On the other hand, the findings that are presented in Table II suggest that the combinations with the least amount of representation were INFJ and INFP, with only 1% of the participants belonging to each of those types. In a similar vein, the combination of ISFP, ENTP, and ESFJ only accounted for 2% of the total population of the group.

The statistical analysis was performed using a Chi-Square test that did not rely on any parameters. When the distribution of the observed data (Table II) was compared to the distribution of the expected data (Table I), it was found that the former did not demonstrate statistical significance (p = 0.001) in the comparison. Table III contains the findings that pertain to the roles that individuals choose to play. The table provides information regarding the personality type, the number of people who fall into each group, and the number of people who have a preference for each of the roles. There is a lot of competition for jobs in the fields of analysis, design, and programming; however, the position of analyst i the one that gets the most attention. On the other hand, respondents indicated that testers and maintainers were the roles they valued the least. Before asking the participants about their preferences, they were given education on the definitions of each presentation role. This was done before the questioning began.

References

DeMarco and T. Lister, Peopleware: Productive Projects and Teams, 2nd ed.., Dorset House, 1999.
Curtis, W.E. Hefley and S.A. Miller, Pople Capability Model (P-CMM), technical reportno. CMU/SEI-2001-MM-001, Software Engineering Institute, Carnigie Mellon University, 2001.
van Solingen, E. Berghout, R. Kusters and J. Trienekens, "From process improvement to people improvement: enabling learning in software development," Information and Software Technology, vol. 42, pp. 965-971, 2000.
Hall, H. Sharp, S. Beechman, N. Badoo and H. Robinson, “What do we know about motivation?” IEEE Software, pp. 92-94, 2008.
J. Gallivan, “Examining IT professionals' adaptation to technological change: the influence of gender and personal attributes,” SIGMIS Database, vol. 35, no. 3, pp.28-49, 2004.
E. Moore, “One road to turnover: an examination of work exhaustion in technology professionals,” MIS Q., vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 141-168, 2000.
Feldt, L. Angelis, R. Torkar and M. Samuelsson, “Links between the personalities, views and attitudes of software engineers,” Information and Software Technology, vol. 52, no. 6, pp.611- 624, 2010.
S. Choi, F.P. Deek,, and I. Im, “Exploring the underlying aspects of pair programming: The impact of personality,” Information and Software Technology,vol. 50, no. 11, pp.1114-1126, 2008.
D. Da Cunha and D. Greathead, “Does personality matter?: an analysis of code-review ability,” Communications of ACM, vol. 50, no. 5, pp. 109-112, 2007.
T. Acuna and N. Juristo, "Assigning people to roles in software projects," Software: Practice and Experience, vol. 34, pp. 675-696, 2004.
T. Acuna N. Juristo, and A.M. Moreno, "Emphasizing human capabilities in software development," IEEE Software, vol. 23, no. 2, pp. 94-101, 2006.
Ritcher and R. Dumke, Modeling, Evaluating, and Predicting IT Human Resources Performance, CRC press, 201
L. F. Capretz and F. Ahmed, “Making sense of software development and personality types,” IEEE IT Professional. IEEE Press, vol. 12, no. 1, pp. 6-13, DOI: 10.1109/MITP.2010.33, 2010.

B. Myers, M.H. Mccaulley, N.L. Quenk and A.L. Hammer, MBTI Manual. A Guide to the Development and Use of the Myers-Briggs type Indicator. Palo Alto, CA, Consulting Psychologists Press, 1998.
Petinger, "Measuring the MBTI...and coming up short," Journal of Career Planning and Employment, vol. 54, no. 1. pp. 48-52, 1993.
J. Boyle, "Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI): some psychometrics limitations," Australian Psychologist, vol. 30, no. 1, pp. 71-74, 1995.
F. Capretz, “Bringing the human factor to software engineering,” IEEE Software, vol. 31, no. 2, pp. 102-104, DOI: 10.1109/MS.2014.30, March-April 2014.
F. Capretz, “Personality types in software engineering,” International Journal of Human Computer Studies, vol. 58, no. 2, pp. 207-214, DOI: 10.1016/s1071-5819(02)00137-4, 2003.
A. Schaubhut and , R.C. Thompson, MBTI Type Tables for Occupations. CPP, Mountain View, 2008.
Cruz, F.Q.B. Silva and L.F. Capretz, “Forty years of research on personality in software engineering: A mapping study,” Computers in Human Behavior, vol. 46, no. 1, pp. 94-113, Elsevier, DOI: 10.1016/j.chb.2014.12.008, 2015.
G. Clark, D.B. Walz, and J.L. Wynekoop, “Identifying exceptional application software developers: A comparison of students and professionals,” Communications of the Association for Information Systems, vol. 11, no. 8, pp. 137- 154, 2003.
E. Evans and M.G. Simkin, “What best predicts computer proficiency?” Communications of ACM,. vol. 32, no. 11, pp.1322-1327, 1989.
Teague, “Personality type, career preference and implications for computer science recruitment and teaching,” in 3rd Australasian Conference on Computer Science Education. New York, NY, ACM, 1998, pp. 155-163.
Varona, L.F. Capretz, Y. Pinero and A. Raza, “Evolution of software engineers' personality profile” ACM SIGSOFT Software Engineering Notes, vol.37, no. 1, pp. 1-5, DOI: 10.1145/2088883.2088901, 2012.
F. Capretz, and P.A. Lee, “Reusability and life cyycle issues within an object- oriented design methodology,” Technology of Object-Oriented Language and Systems, pp. 139-150, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, 1992.
Shatnawi and A. Alzu’bi, “A Verification of the correspondence between design and implementation quality attributes using a hierarchal quality model,” IAENG International Journal of Computer Science, vol. 38, no. 3, pp. 225-233, 2011.
Takamatsu, H. Sato, S. Oyama, and M. Kurihara, “Automated test generation for objectoriented programs with multiple targets,” IAENG International Journal of Computer Science, vol. 41, no. 3, pp. 198-203, 2014.
Ahmed, L.F. Capretz and P. Campbell, “Evaluating the demand for soft skills in software development,” IEEE IT Professional, vol. 14, no. 1, pp. 44-49, DOI: 10.1109/MITP.2012.7, 2012.
Kanij, T. Merkel and J. Grundy, "An empirical study of the effects of personality on software testing,", 26th IEEE International Conference on Software Engineering Education and Training (CSEE&T), San Francisco, pp. 239-248, May 2013.
[30] J. Miller and Y. Zhichao, “A cognitive-based mechanism for constructing software inspection teams,” IEEE Transactions on Software Engineering, vol. 30, no. 11, pp. 811-825, 2004.

A Social Consciousness in the World Market: What do Codes of Behavior, Social Labels, and Investor Initiatives have to do with Workers?

2024-06-27T14:16:16+03:00

A Social Consciousness in the World Market: What do Codes of Behavior, Social Labels, and Investor Initiatives have to do with Workers?

Shehzad Kamal

Sarhad University University of Peshawar Shehzad56@gmail.com

Abstract

Over the course of the last ten years, there has been a resurgence in the number of corporate social responsibility programs undertaken by the business sector. It is now generally accepted that social responsibility, which was once primarily the realm of huge firms that attempted to be responsible, is a notion that influences a broad variety of economic agreements between local and global corporations in both developed and developing nations. This is the case regardless of whether the nation in question is a developed nation or not. New approaches have largely succeeded in supplanting the "self-applied," single-business paradigm of corporate social responsibility efforts. Nowadays, social concerns are taken into account during the formation of joint ventures, license agreements, and supply contracts. This covers the complete transaction chain that is necessary in order to buy and sell goods and services. A growing number of strategic alliances are being developed in addition to these enterprise-driven projects in order to achieve accountability mechanisms. As a consequence of this, a wide variety of actors take part in activities conducted by the private sector at all of these different levels: international, regional, national, and local. Recently, several groups, including shareholders, workers, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and company owners, have come together to establish hybrid coalitions.

The effectiveness of efforts made by the private sector to reform labor practices in the operations of multinational firms is the topic of discussion in this article. It places an emphasis on investor initiatives, social labeling schemes, and behavioral norms, drawing from a review of several activities that were carried out in advance.

Introduction

Theoretically speaking, these private-sector initiatives are voluntary commitments made in response to market incentives rather than being forced by the government. An increasing number of cross-border contractual and joint venture agreements have resulted in a "mismatch between regulatory scope and actual economic structures" (Murray, 1998, page 60), which has fueled the public desire for accountability mechanisms for the social and environmental repercussions of firm activities. The business community is worried that public pressure may reveal their offshore corporate partners in the supply chain for potentially unfair labor practices. These companies are located overseas. As a consequence of this, the goal of operations carried out by the private sector is to generate commitments at each stage of the supply chain. These commitments usually strive to extend or strengthen the regulatory duties that are already in place. On the other hand, this brings up the question of how "voluntary" these programs may legally be called. When it comes to efforts made by the private sector, firms and governments argue that market pressure makes them obligatory under unfair conditions. Despite the fact that these actions are meant to be voluntary because they are not immediately enforced by law, corporations and governments argue that market pressure makes them mandatory.

On the other hand, a growing number of enterprises in the private sector are engaging in exploitative labor practices, which raises a variety of additional concerns. What is the relationship, for example, between these activities and other endeavors to establish social justice through improved working conditions and expanded employment, particularly those obtained by public policy or regulation? What is the nature of that relationship? If this is the case, what impact do they have on the social aspects of economic development in general and international trade in particular?

Should we see these as positive advances or question the value of what they have to offer? It is difficult to categorize, evaluate, or compare claims made by businesses and other actors about social improvements that were made possible by private initiatives. Despite the fact that transnational private initiatives can provide a sustainable "high road" for corporate behavior in the midst of the complexity of international transactions over time, it is also the case that these claims are difficult to classify. As a direct result of this, there is likely to be some degree of contention. These projects function across a diverse range of political, legal, and economic situations without making use of any standardized planning, implementation, or assessment frameworks or procedures. There are many different outcomes that might occur as a result of the limitations that are present during the phases of planning, implementing, and evaluating such activities.

Activities that take place in the private sector have as their primary goal the enhancement of the value of the enterprise. This is often accomplished through cultivating connections with intermediary purchasers, customers, and other business associates. In order to maintain or validate an acceptable public image throughout all phases of foreign consumer product outsourcing, including the reputation of brand names, such measures have been required. This is particularly the case in industries that rely heavily on manual labor. It is possible for intermediary buyers to exert pressure on producers of capital goods and intermediate goods in the event that these producers are unable to meet the demands of consumers on their own. In addition, there is a growing amount of evidence that suggests that ethical business practices can boost a company's financial success, which helps to reinforce the moral case that firms should behave as "good citizens." In addition to this, preventative actions have made it possible for businesses in the private sector to grow. By demonstrating that they are making measures to improve working conditions, businesses can protect themselves from being accused of engaging in unethical or illegal business operations and also avoid consumer boycotts. These initiatives, which show that best practices in the business serve the public interest, could help to prevent government intervention if enough people get behind them. In point of fact, governments may choose to promote entrepreneurial ventures as an alternative to socially regulated trade or business. Such programs may also be regarded as a means of improving labor standards or public perception in order to attract foreign investment and commerce by some nations. On the other hand, there is an ongoing dispute regarding whether or not various government plans to promote volunteers are motivated by other considerations, such as a tendency toward protectionism.

Any initiative undertaken in the business sector must first begin with the conscious decision to communicate a sense of social responsibility. The message may be intended for a wide range of recipients, such as viewers of various forms of media, governmental authorities, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), employees, managers, investors, consumers, and business partners. Despite the fact that they are functionally and normatively comparable, operational circumstances have a significant consequence on the means employed to transmit that message as well as the impact that it ultimately has on the social conduct that occurs in the workplace.

For the purpose of facilitating presentation, the following initiative typology has been structured around investor initiatives, social labeling schemes, and codes of conduct. The fact that it is difficult to properly identify any one of these three types of activities at this stage in the development of those efforts means that overlap is unavoidable. Because of this, any attempt to categorize them will invariably result in inaccurate results. Efforts made to improve the corporate social responsibility of an organization could incorporate other kinds of activity.

This article focuses entirely on codes that corporations adopt with the goal of applying them internationally, most commonly as "sourcing guidelines" to define expectations for the workplace conduct of their business partners. There is a severe absence of application methods for many of the codes that are classified as corporate ethics. There are situations in which the code of an international client or retailer is applied to other companies in supply (or "value") chains. These companies are not always owned, managed, or governed by the company that adopted the code in the first place. Companies have the option of developing these codes on their own, in collaboration with other parties such as labor unions, management, and/or non-governmental groups, or in response to pressure from shareholders.

Either businesses can directly apply operational codes to themselves and their business partners in order to express commitments to specific conduct, or businesses can subscribe to such codes through third-party-sponsored platforms (often trade unions, NGOs, or enterprise organizations). This allows businesses to declare commitments to certain behaviors. The vast majority of the codes that have garnered attention are either operational codes from large manufacturing and retail businesses that are engaged in international trade, or they were developed by trade associations for importers or export suppliers, specifically for use by the small and medium-sized business members of those trade associations. The second kind of operational codes, also known as subscription codes, may contain a method for subscribers to self-report or be directly certified by third-party sponsors. This is because subscription codes are usually referred to as operational codes. On the other hand, model codes are not as specific as actual codes; rather, they are general claims that are aimed to assist businesses in developing their own codes. Frequently, model codes are developed by governments, trade unions, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and/or commercial entities. Enterprises are able to use these protocols in whole or in part, even if they do not work directly within the company or through enterprise subscriptions.

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) often play a key part in social labeling schemes that foster autonomous labelling. In some cases, NGOs even give leadership in these types of schemes. This is due to the fact that actions inside civil society, such as campaigns and public demands, are what create the perception of a market for social labels. Independent labels have been developed and are controlled by non-governmental organizations (NGOs), industry and trade unions, other enterprise groupings, workers' organizations (union labels), and hybrid coalitions consisting of one or more of these actors. In the beginning stages of a hybrid partnership or social labeling campaign being carried out by a non-governmental organization (NGO), groups hailing from wealthy nations often dominate. Others, such as Kaleen in India and Abrinq in Brazil (see Table 1), were run by public-private partnerships or enterprise groups. These organizations were responsible for operations. An independent social label is typically administered by an enterprise association or hybrid partnership in accordance with an industry-wide code of conduct. Small and medium-sized businesses, as well as those in industries with low brand loyalty, have shared the costs and increased the visibility of an independent social label. In certain cases, the label may be placed on the product, as is the case with RUGMARK. On the other hand, the label may simply be a trade name used by established businesses, as is the case with Responsible Care, a program that was developed by the chemical industry. It's possible that some of these programs, like the Clean Clothes Campaign, which started out as multi-stakeholder subscription codes, will eventually be awarded a certification label.

Single-enterprise enterprises that are engaged in production, export or retail sales, enterprise/government cooperation, etc. are also able to affix social labels to their products and utilize the system for outsourced activities with external suppliers by applying slogans and symbols other than brand names. This is possible since the system is not tied to specific brands. Certain labeling systems, whether formed independently or by a business, function according to specified behavioral criteria that regulate the efforts of a firm to obtain a license or use a label. These standards can apply whether the labeling system was established independently or by the business.

Subsidies for running costs may be provided by manufacturers, distributors, and importers who are required to pay taxes on labeled products. 11 as a numerical value In the case of initiatives that are handled by specific enterprises, a portion of these costs are sometimes absorbed internally (see "sources of financing" in Table 2 for more information); alternatively, a portion of these costs are frequently passed on to the consumer.

Screening by investment fund administrators and shareholder activity appears to be increasing popularity, at least in industrialized nations. In recent years, there has been an increase in formal shareholder activism in Germany, Japan (albeit mostly owing to environmental concerns), and the United States of America; nevertheless, other European nations and Canada have lagged substantially behind. 16 as a numerical value The level of growth of publicly listed businesses, the extent of engagement in share ownership by civic society, and the legislative limits on shareholder activism grounds are some of the cultural, legal, and economic elements that determine the geographical distribution of these activities.

Businesses are put under pressure to take action as a result of several factors, including attention in the media, consumer boycotts, government funding for private initiatives, and research conducted by academic institutions, research groups, and non-governmental organizations. Several successful shareholder actions have been primarily spurred by coalitions of various types of institutional investors in various companies. In point of fact, the bulk of labor-related motions are sponsored by institutional investors including insurance companies, pension funds, religious funds, union funds, local government funds, and fund managers. Other types of institutional investors include union funds. It is unclear what labor-related tangible contributions religious investors and public employee pension funds have made, despite the fact that there is evidence to suggest that these types of investors are particularly engaged. Labor-related shareholder proposals are sponsored collectively by trade unions and union pension funds rather infrequently, but they may occasionally receive support when submitted by other sponsors.

References

Annan, Kofi. 1999. Secretary-General proposes global compact on human rights, labour, environment, in address to World Economic Forum in Davos. Address of United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan to the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, on 31 January 1999, Press Release SG/SM/6881/Rev. 1. New York, NY, United Nations. 1 Feb.

Appleton, Arthur E. 1998. Environmental labelling programmes: International trade law implications. International Environmental Law and Policy Series, Vol. 49. London, Kluwer Law International.

Blanpain, Roger. Forthcoming. “A general introduction” , in Roger Blanpain (ed.): Multinational enterprises and the social challenges of the 21st century.

Dordrecht, Kluwer. Burns, Maggie; Forstater, Maya; Mong, Adrienne; Osgood, Diane; Zadek, Simon. 1997. Open trading: Options for effective monitoring of corporate codes of conduct. London, New Economics Foundation/Catholic Institute for International Relations.

Mar. {for an executive summary see , visited 7 June 1999}. Calvert Group Ltd. 1997. Shareholder resolutions: Understanding the shareholder resolution and proxy voting process. {visited 2 June 1999}.

Caroll, Archie B. 1996. Business and society: Ethics and stakeholder management. Third edition. Cincinnati, OH, South-Western College Publishing.

Center for Ethical Concerns. 1995. Garment workers study. Arlington, VA, Marymount University. Nov. Chote, Robert. 1999. “World Bank sets out plans for global code for social policy”, in Financial Times (London), 22 Apr., p. 4. Co-op America. 1999. Socially responsible mutual fund screens. {visited 2 June 1999}. Council on Economic Priorities. 1998. International sourcing report. New York, NY. Mar. Dickson,

Marsha A. 1996. Socially responsible consumer behavior in the apparel marketing system: Preliminary findings from a survey . Columbus, OH, Ohio State University (Department of Consumer and Textile Sciences). 18 July. Diller, Janelle M. Forthcoming. “Social conduct in transnational enterprise operations: The role of the Internationa l Labour Organizatio n”, in

Roger Blanpain (ed.): Multination al enterprises and the social challenges of the 21st century. Dordrecht, Kluwer. —; Levy, David A. 1997. “Child labor, trade and investment: Toward the harmonization of international law”, in American Journal of International Law (Washington, DC), Vol. 91, No. 4 (Oct.), pp. 663-696. European Union. 1999. European criteria for European companies operating in developing countries/LDCs: Towards a European code of conduct. European Parliament Resolution A4-0508 /98, of 15 Januar y 1999. {visited 7 June 1999}. —. 1994. “Council Directive 94/45/EC of 22 September 1994 on the establishment of a European Works Council or a procedure in Community-scale undertakings and Community-scale groups of undertakings for the purposes of informing and consulting employees”, in Official Journal of the European Communities (Brussels), Vol. 37, No. L 254, 30 Sep., pp. 64-72.

Ferguson, Clare. 1998. A review of UK company codes of conduct. Report commissioned by the Social Development Division, Department for International Development. London, DFID. Aug.

Forcese, Craig. 1997. Commerce with conscience? Human rights and corporate codes of conduct. Montreal, International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development. 128 International Labour Review

Glassman, James K. 1999. “Do-good funds that are also doing better”, in International Herald Tribune (Zurich). 6-7 Feb., p. 16. Haas, Daniel. 1998. Mit Sozialklausel n gegen Kinderarbeit ? Das Beispiel der indischen Teppichproduktion . Berliner Studien zur internationalen Politik, No. 4. Münster, Lit. Hilowitz, Janet. 1997. “Social labelling to combat child labour: Some considerations” , in International Labour Review (Geneva), Vol. 136, No. 2, pp. 215-232. ILO. 1998a. Overview of global developments and Office activities concerning codes of conduct, social labelling and other private sector initiatives addressing labour issues. Governing Body, 273rd Session, Working Party on the Social Dimensions of the Liberalization of International Trade, G.B.273/WP/SDL/1. Geneva. —. 1998b. “ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work”, in International Labour Review (Geneva), Vol. 137 (1998), No. 2, pp. 253-257. Incomes Data Services. 1998. Corporate codes of conduct and labour standards in global sourcing. Cardiff, Cardiff Business School. IRRC (Investor Responsibility Research Center).1996a. Shareholder action advances worldwide: Investors placed a broader range of topics on more non-US ballots in the 1996 global proxy voting season. Press release, 29 July. Washington, DC. —. 1996b. IRRC finds shareholder activism at record levels around the world. IRRC 1996. Press release. {visited 2 June 1999}. Kellerson, Hilary. 1998. “The ILO Declaration of 1998 on fundamental principles and rights: A challenge for the future”, in International Labour Review (Geneva), Vol. 137, No. 2, pp. 223-228.

Kumar, Ritu;Gessese, Nebiyeleul; Konishi, Yasuo. 1998. Responding to global standards: A framework for assessing social and environmental performance of industries — Case study of the textile industry in India, Indonesia and Zimbabwe. Vienna, United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO). May.

Lefebvre, Maurica; Singh, Jang B. 1992. “The content and focus of Canadian corporate codes of ethics”, in Journal of Business Ethics (Dordrecht), Vol. 11, No. 10 (Oct.), pp. 799-808.

van Liemt, Gijsbert. 1998. The social policy implications of codes of conduct, with particular reference to the relations between companies adopting such codes and their suppliers and subcontractors . Paper presented to the International Workshop on Global Production and Local Jobs: New Perspectives on Enterprise Networks, Employment and Local Development Policy, Geneva, 9-10 Mar. 1998 (Conference draft). Geneva, ILO/International Institute for Labour Studies. Mattoo, Aaditya; Singh, Harsha V. 1994. “Eco-labelling: Policy considerations” , in Kyklos (Oxford), Vol. 47, No. 1, pp. 53-65. Mayhew, Nick. 1998. “Trouble with the triple bottom line”, in Financial Times (London), 10 Aug., p. 8. Murray, Jill. 1998. “Corporate codes of conduct and labour standards” , in Robert Kyloh (ed.): Mastering the challenge of globalization: Towards a trade union agenda. ILO Bureau for Workers’ Activities, Working Paper produced under Project INT/97/MO1/ITA (“Information technology, workers’ participation and social dialogue” ). Geneva, ILO, pp. 45-104.

Sajhau, Jean-Paul. 1997. Business ethics in the textile, clothing and footwear (FTC) industries: Codes of conduct. Sectoral Activities Programme (Industrial Activities Branch) Working Paper, SAP 2.60/WP.110. Geneva, ILO. Social Investment Forum. 1997. 1997 Trends Report: Report on responsible investing trends in the United States. . 5 Nov. {visited 2 June 1999}. Stückelberger, Christoph; Egger, Michel. 1996. “A social clause with a TNC: The Migros-Del Monte case”, in Swiss Coalition News (Bern), No. 7, Mar., pp. 6-7. UNCTAD. 1994. World investment report: Transnational corporations, employment and the workplace. New York, NY, United Nations. United Nations. 1991. Work related to the code of conduct on transnational corporations and other international arrangements and agreements: Other international, regional and bilateral arrangements and agreements related to transnational corporations. Economic and Social Council, Report of the Secretary-General, E/C.10/1991/9. Geneva. 25 Feb. A social conscience in the global marketplace? 129 United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development. 1999. Voluntary initiatives and agreements. Economic and Social Council, Commission on Sustainable Development, Seventh session, 19-30 Apr., Report of the Secretary-General, E/CN17/1999/12. New York, NY, United Nations. 5 Apr. United States Department of Labor. 1997. By the sweat and toil of children — Volume 4: Consumer labels and child labor. Washington, DC, Bureau of International Labor Affairs. —. 1996. The apparel industry and codes of conduct: A solution to the international child labor problem? Washington, DC, Bureau of International Labor Affairs. Varley, Pamela; Mathiasen, Carolyn; Vorhes, Meg (eds.). 1998. The sweatshop quandary: Corporate responsibility on the global frontier. Washington, DC, IRRC. WTO (World Trade Organization). 1997a. Restrictive trade effects of standards, technical regulation and conformity assessment procedures. Background Paper prepared by the Secretariat, Committee on Technical Barriers to Trade, G/TBT/W/42. Geneva. 28 Apr. —. 1997b. Ecolabelling: Overview of current work in various international fora. Background Paper prepared by the Secretariat, Committee on Trade and Environment, WT/CTE/W/ 45. Geneva. 15 Apr.

Zadek, Simon; Lingayah, Sanjiv; Forstater, Maya. 1998. Social labels: Civil action through the market. Paper prepared by the New Economics Foundation for the European Commission. London, New Economics Foundation. June.

Zondorak, Valerie Ann. 1991. “A new face of corporate environmental responsibility: The Valdez Principles”, in Boston College Environmental Affairs Law Review (Boston, MA), Vol. 18, No. 3 (Spring), pp. 457-500.